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Waqt hai badlav ka – I am confident we are coming back to power with a majority in 2019: Kamal Nath



From a powerful Cabinet Minister and Congress General Secretary who managed key states and allies, Kamal Nath has migrated seamlessly to Bhopal, the power centre of Madhya Pradesh. Well versed in the art of real politik, the state’s 18th Chief Minister has an onerous responsibility now that he has reversed the BJP’s long winning streak in its quest to make India Congress Mukht. Blessed with innate strategic and tactical thinking, he has now set out to fix what was broken in the state.

In the concluding part of his interview with IANS, he outlines the problems faced by the state, starting with acute joblessness, something that is rampant across the country.

Joblessness was probably the single biggest factor along with farm and rural distress in the state which won Congress the mandate.

When asked about the severity of the crisis, its sheer width and depth is alarming, Nath spoke about alleviation measures. “Employment in Madhya Pradesh is in a sorry state of affairs. It was disheartening to witness the drain of resources that could otherwise have been used to mobilise growth in the state. On the very first day of taking charge of my office, I made it mandatory to employ 70 per cent local youth in Industries in the state to be eligible for industrial incentives.

“With time, we will come up with more employment-generation schemes and work on strengthening industries, which provide the largest opportunities for employment. Our government is focusing on skill development of youth, Industrial growth for increasing job opportunity and quality education. On Republic Day, we announced a new scheme ‘Yuva Swabhiman Yojna’. Under this scheme we will provide work to youth of the state for full 100 days in a year. On the agrarian distress side, Mandsaur twice in the last few years became the go-to hot button epicentre for the farmers, a rallying point against BJP policies on the farm front.”

Sitting in Delhi, one heard of continuing farm distress in Madhya Pradesh and how Mandsaur became ground zero of the agitation.

Nath spoke about various issues in relation to farm distress in Madhya Pradesh, how and why the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) government tried Bhavantar and then recalled it.

He was most forthcoming: “Madhya Pradesh is one of the largest agrarian states of India. Almost 70 per cent of the population is directly or indirectly related to agriculture. It is very sad that Madhya Pradesh tops in the country in terms of farmer suicides. Had the state been such an utopia for farmers as touted by the previous BJP government, things would have been very different.

“The resentment of the farmers was evident from the Mandsaur incident and so was the government’s apathy towards them. One of the major reasons for farm distress is farmers not getting appropriate price for their crops. Bhavantar was launched only to launder money and not address this issue. It was flawed from the word go and thus had to fail.

“We are going to redesign the ‘Bhavantar Scheme’ and come up with measures that will give farmers their dues. True to our words, we have waived off loans of farmers immediately after taking charge of the government and will formulate more such policies for the welfare of state farmers.”

As a former organisation man and a party General Secretary in charge of states in the past, IANS asked him whether Congress has a fighting chance in the coming hustings to return to power at the Centre?

Nath was at his eloquent best: “I am confident we are coming back to power with majority. BJP’s win in the last election was nothing but a fluke. However, you can’t fool people for too long and they see through your ploys. Things like demonetisation and GST have been absolute debacles and people now are rooting for a change.

“There is an anti-BJP sentiment among the people and we could witness that from the recent Assembly election results. When we talk about our Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s popularity, it has started to dwindle and people have started taking cognisance of it. While the popularity graph of our Prime Minister is plummeting, that of Rahul Gandhi is on a steady increase.”

An interesting empiric seen in the defining battle in Madhya Pradesh which Nath won was that it went right down to the wire. The vote share of the BJP and Congress was very high and showed only a marginal difference in the end.

So we asked Nath what was it that really swung the tight vote in favour of the Congress?

Nath, who was educated in Doon School and St Xavier’s College, Kolkata, and speaks many languages with great felicity which helps in his conduct of politics rolled off the perfect answer – “Waqt hai badlav ka” (it is time for change) is what people of Madhya Pradesh strongly rooted for.

“Citizens of the state were tired of retarded growth and wanted a change. The anti-government sentiments of the people could be felt during our rallies. The state was engulfed in distress and misery and every class was a victim. It is their hope and trust on us that led us to victory and we will live up to the promises made.

“Now, the people of the state are very clearly feeling the difference between the two governments. One is performing but the other never did. I am confident people will support Congress Party, which has a strong will to work for the progress and prosperity of the state,” he said.

(Sandeep Bamzai can be contacted at [email protected])


Influencers manipulating social media in India, Indian IT Act silent



Sting operation: Bollywood celebs

New Delhi, Feb 20 (IANS) If the Cobrapost investigation which revealed that several Bollywood celebrities were willing to pass views of political parties as personal opinion for money shook your conscience, but there is not much that you could do to restrict them from doing so because the relevant Indian law is silent on this matter.

The investigation revealed that more than 30 Indian film and TV industry actors/artistes agreed to spread the propaganda of political parties through their social media accounts for money.

“Taking money for tweeting on behalf of political parties is definitely unethical, but it is not illegal. The Information Technology Act, 2000 is completely silent on this,” Pavan Duggal, one of the nation’s top cyber law experts, told IANS.

What the investigation unearthed was just the tip of the iceberg. The rise in popularity of social media platforms actually opened up a relatively new advertising economy driven by “influencer marketing”.

Marketing firm Mediakix estimated that influencer marketing on Instagram alone could reach $2 billion by the end of this year from $1 billion in 2017.

While Instagram has over a billion monthly active users globally, its parent company Facebook has over 2.3 billion monthly active users and over 16 million people log in to Twitter every day. WhatsApp is another powerful platform which has over 200 million users in India.

The kind of reach that these social media platforms have can offer some idea about how big the influencer marketing business could be. Important here to mention is that it is not just celebrities who are the stars in this game.

While celebrities with huge following running into millions on social media are known as macro influencers, even some people with small number of followers can earn big sum of money as influencers. They are known as micro influencers.

With a wide array of social media analytics tool available online it is not even difficult to spot the right influencers for their advertising programmes.

“In the starting, celebrities were used as influencers for brand endorsement and marketing purposes, however, after social media, now everyone is a celebrity and everything is business including politics,” social media expert Anoop Mishra said.

In countries like the US, it is mandatory to put proper disclosure on paid posts. But only a few follow the rules.

In India, due to lack of user awareness, it is even more difficult distinguish between a paid post and personal opinion.

With the elections coming, political parties are not complaining much. A top WhatsApp executive recently even warned political parties against abusing its platform.

“More than 10,000 official WhatsApp groups have been created by a leading political party to slam its rivals on social media,” Mishra said.

“Political discourse is going to be impacted by social media influencers. There is no two opinion about it,” Duggal said, adding that the consequences of this can be very serious as social media platforms are being used to create a highly-polarised atmosphere in the country.

Just as social media companies have come up with transparency rules for political ads, they should have similar features for influencers so that people can distinguish between commercial space and personal space.

“Manipulation of social media platform for personal gain must be brought under the ambit of law without putting barriers on free speech,” Duggal added.

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Manipur student activist released on bail by Imphal court



Veewon Thokchom

Imphal, Feb 19 (IANS) A court here on Tuesday granted bail to Manipuri student activist Veewon Thokchom, who was arrested from Delhi on charges of sedition.

The court of the Chief Judicial Magistrate, Imphal west, where Thokchom was produced after brought from Delhi, turned down the police plea for his custody and released him on furnishing a bond of Rs 30,000.

Thokchom’s lawyer Meihoubam Rakesh said that his client, who was preparing for examinations in Delhi, was arrested on February 15 by a combined Delhi and Imphal police team. According to his family members, he was not even given time to wear his slippers.

A former president of the Manipur Students’ Association Delhi and now an adviser, Thokchom had opposed the Citizenship (Amendment) Bill, 2016, which had been passed by the Lok Sabha on January 8. Recalling the mass agitations in Manipur on June 18, 2001 during which 18 persons including a woman had died, he had contended in a Facebook post that if the bill is passed by Parliament, the state’s people may renew demands for self-determination.

There had been demands from various students’ bodies to release Thokchom or face intensified protests from the students and people.

Some time back, the BJP-led state government had arrested Kishorechandra Wangkhem, an anchor with a local cable channel, on charges of sedition.

A local court was of view that that the offence he was charged with was not seditious and ordered his release. However police arrested him at the court’s door and detained him under the National Security Act for one year.

Massive protests from the media circles in India and abroad have been of no avail.

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Pulwama Attack: Terror gets a quantum Jump in Kashmir Under Modi



suicide attack in Kashmir

In one of the most barbaric and brutal attacks, 40 Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) personnel were killed in a car-bomb explosion triggered by a lone wolf named Adil Ahmad, also known as “Adil Ahmad Gaadi Takranewala” and “Waqas Commando of Gundibagh” in South Kashmir’s Pulwama on Thursday, 14 February.

The ferocity of the terror attack far exceeded even the Uri attack of 18 September 2016, in which four heavily armed terrorists targeted an Army brigade headquarters, killing 19 soldiers. This was clearly, the worst ever terror attack in lat twenty years in the Kashmir valley.

Both the Uri and Pulwama attacks were said to have been carried out by Pakistan-based terror outfit Jaish-e-Mohammed, which has subsequently taken the responsibility for this heinous attack on the CRPF convoy in Pulwama. This was one of the most audacious attacks and it established the fact that the Jaish-e-Mohammed is still very active and holds the capability of carrying out an attack of such a scale. It also reflects the failure of Modi government’s Kashmir policy much more than even the Uri strike.

While carrying out much criticised demonetisation on 8th Nov, 2016, Mr Modi cited checking terrorism in Kashmir valley as one of its objectives . But that never happened. On contrary, the terrorism received an unprecedented fillip post demonetisation. Modi Govt in a reply to the Lok Sabha admitted that terror incidents in Jammu and Kashmir have increased by 261 % in the last five years – from lowly 170 incidents in 2013 to a mind-boggling 614 incidents in 2018.

There were two key moments related to major spikes in terror incidents: In 2016, when Hizbul Mujahedeen commander Burhan Muzaffar Wani was gunned down in an encounter and again in 2018 when the no of local youth joining the terror outfits surpassed the record level from 16 in 2013 to 191 in 2018, an increase of nearly 1093%.

Now let us find out where Modi Govt went wrong. The problem lies in the way it tackles this decades old problem not as a political, but as a battlefield for some kind of ideological war. The BJP’s policies on Kashmir are guided by its desire to fulfill its ideologue Syama Prasad Mukherjee’s unfinished mission of establishing their rule in the Valley.

This was quite evident in their attitude towards capturing power in the state. They initially pushed Mufti Mohammad Sayeed into a corner to force him for an alliance and later on showed the same brinkmanship to make his daughter and successor Mehbooba Mufti to fall in line. Eventually, she also walked out from the coalition which left Mr Modi no choice but to impose the President’s Rule in the state.

This was diametrically opposite to what Vajpayee government did. The actions taken by the then NDA Govt resulted in fostering a PDP-Congress alliance government led by Mufti Sayeed in 2002.This was said to be one of the few phases in the violent history of Kashmir when the state experienced a relative calm. The intransigence of BJP government under Modi has led to a disastrous Kashmir policy that has nullified whatever goodwill the New Delhi had achieved in Kashmir since 2002.

In the 2014 J & K assembly elections, the highest turnout in Kashmir in last over 25 years was recorded. The increase in voting was more perceptible in the South Kashmir constituencies that have historically seen low turnouts, mainly due to boycott calls by the separatists. The other element which added to this increase in voter’s turnout was the reaction of majority Kashmiri Muslims to the aggressive campaigning by the BJP in the Valley. Kashmiris were apprehensive of BJP’s intention of abrogating the article 370 and felt that their identity as a special status would be in danger if the BJP came to power in the state.

In fact, there were several voters in the valley who came out to vote for the first time since the 1987 elections, which were heavily rigged by most accounts. However, this anti-BJP mood in Kashmir was squandered by the PDP when Mufti Mohammad Sayeed opted to form a government in the state in alliance with BJP.

This must have given a huge setback to the local Kashmiris because soon after this coalition Govt came in power, the increase in local youth joining the ranks of militants began. It just can’t be a coincidence that the PDP’s areas of influence in South Kashmir shortly emerged as the main hub of militancy.

Most of the top militants of the past few years hailed from South Kashmir – Burhan Wani from Tral in Pulwama district, Riyaz Naikoo from Awantipora in Pulwama district, Saddam Padder from Heff in Shopian district and even Ali Ahmad Dar, who carried out fidayeen attack on the CRPF personnel, from Kakpora, also in Pulwama.

Most of the young men from South Kashmir who joined the ranks of militancy, hailed from pro-Jamaat-e-Islami families. Interestingly, in the past, Jamaat is said to have had a tactical understanding with the PDP. In both the 2002 and 2008 Assembly elections, Jamaat cadres were said to have ignored the boycott calls and came out and voted for the PDP but the alliance of PDP with the BJP ruptured the PDP’s traditional ties with Jamaat and alienated its supporters across the Valley. Therefore, when the extremely popular Hizbul Mujahideen commander Burhan Wani was killed in an encounter in 2016, the PDP’s implosion accelerated dramatically.

Soon, a cycle of violence and mayhem began – protests, crackdown by security forces resulting in civilian casualties and sparking more protests. Every civilian casualty and pellet injury created further resentment from central Govt among an average Kashmiri which in turn resulted in more youth joining the militancy. The locals which earlier provided the helping hand to the security forces in its drive against militants stopped doing that and in process, PDP’s credibility nose-dived.
One of the crucial fallouts of this alienation deprived security forces of the human intelligence network almost entirely comprised of local Kashmiris. This breakdown in human intelligence is probably one of the reasons why security forces have become sitting ducks for attacks like the one we just witnessed in Pulwama on the Valentine ’s Day.

It appears, the government has learnt no lessons even after the Pulwama attack as most of its reactions are based on its flawed view of Kashmir. Take for instance MoS in the PMO, Jitendra Singh, who chose to attack NC and PDP, the mainstream political parties of Kashmir, which are perhaps the only set of well-wishers of some importance New Delhi has in Kashmir.

The problem of Modi government is it cannot differentiate between its political opponents and threats to national security. This is the reason; it has been unable to stop the rise of militancy in Kashmir in the past five years. The same is true for its inability to differentiate between Kashmiri civilians and the terrorists. It won’t be an understatement, if we say that armed forces personnel and the civilians in Kashmir are paying with their lives for this disastrous and flawed handling of Kashmir crisis by Modi Govt.

(DISCLAIMER : Views expressed above are the author’s own.)

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