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Analysis

Ominous silence before the proverbial storm in Samajwadi Party

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mulayam singh yadav

Lucknow, March 14 : With Holi, the Festival of Colours, concluding, it seems to be time for some fireworks in the Samajwadi Party (SP), which was humbled by the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in the just-concluded Uttar Pradesh assembly elections.

Reduced to an all-time low of 47 in its 25th year, rumblings have begun in the erstwhile ruling party, which now has a hugely diminished aura and numbers in the 17th Vidhan Sabha. The first murmurs were heard even as results poured in on Saturday and it became evident that the SP would touch a new low and the BJP a new high — a landslide of 325 seats along with its allies.

It was only after the results were announced that SP founder Mulayam Singh Yadav, who was edged out by his Chief Minister son, Akhilesh Yadav, as the national president of the party on January 1, went, for the first time, to the Janeshwar Mishra Trust — which housed the war room of the Congress and SP alliance.

A stone’s throw from his sprawling 5, Vikramaditya Marg, bungalow on Panch Bangalia, the tense-looking Yadav chieftain reportedly had gone to meet with and console party workers. He, however, was there for just five-odd minutes and left when he saw his son. Akhilesh, though, is said to have hurriedly pulled himself together and touched his father’s feet.

Mulayam said nothing and just drove away. He later left for the airport and flew to Saifai, their native village, for the annual Holi celebrations, almost a ritual for the family.

Akhilesh Yadav left a little later and took the Agra-Lucknow Expressway to drive with his family to Saifai. Enroute, he met some supporters who had gathered along the route. “We will see what went wrong, do not lose heart,” he told the young men in a bid to lift their spirits.

Akhilesh, after the rout at the hustings, rued that he never knew people would vote him out so badly despite the work done by his government in the past five years. “Main samajh gaya hoon ki vote samjhane se nahin, bahkane se milta hai,” (I’ve understood that votes are gained by pulling wool over people’s eyes) he said.

He also taunted the voters by saying: “I guess people did not like the Expressway and were rather looking for a bullet train to come to Uttar Pradesh.” A reference to one of Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s pet schemes.

Insiders say the swords are out and soon a “pitched battle would be fought in the open” in the SP. Shivpal Singh Yadav, who was locked in a bitter feud for power within the party since October last year and was completely sidelined in the assembly elections, is now waiting for his turn to strike.

Shivpal, who won from Jaswantnagar yet again with a huge margin, now stands vindicated. During the infighting, he had openly told Akhilesh that he was on a suicidal mission with the likes of Ram Gopal Yadav and the young brigade that included Udayveer Singh, Sanjay Lathar, Sunil Singh Sajan and other close aides. Both Mulayam and Shivpal had forewarned Akhilesh about having any truck with the Congress.

Akhilesh, however, rode roughshod over this advice and not only promoted his close aides, did whatever uncle Ram Gopal said and joined hands with Congress, even going to the extent of giving the alliance partner 105 of the 403 seats. The Congress had 28 legislators in the outgoing house and is now down to a mere seven, its worst-ever performance in Uttar Pradesh.

An angry Mulayam never campaigned for SP candidates and stuck to canvassing for Shivpal and daughter-in-law Aparna Yadav. Shivpal was not asked to campaign either, and Akhilesh and Dimple were the only star campaigners in the staggered polls.

The extent of anger in the now-divided family can be gauged by the fact that it was for the first time that Shivpal did not turn up for the Holi do at Saifai, where every year the clan meets and celebrates the festival in style.

After the party’s rout, Shivpal has said openly that this was not the defeat of the Samajwadi Party, but a defeat of “ghamand” (arrogance). He chose to stay put in Etawah and play Holi with his fans and supporters.

Mulayam, it is said, drove off to Lucknow as son Akhilesh arrived in Saifai. The whereabouts of Ram Gopal Yadav are not known.

Just before the last phase of polling in Uttar Pradesh, Mulayam’s second wife Sadhna Gupta, in an interview to a television agency, had slammed Akhilesh for “showing disrespect to neta ji”. The interview, many political observers here had inferred, was a “signal of things to come post polls”.

While Mulayam, in an informal chat on Holi eve, told some close aides that Akhilesh alone could not be held responsible for the rout, and added that “anger of Shivpal and Amar Singh was understandable”, he is also learnt to be very cut-up with Akhilesh.

He privately holds him and him alone responsible for the party’s disastrous show at the hustings, a close aide informed.

Mohd Azam Khan, a party stalwart and one of the founding members of the SP, was spotted weeping openly at a public meeting in Rampur on Sunday. Unable to take the loss, he was addressing a gathering of supporters when he broke down.

Akhilesh has called a meeting of the newly-elected party legislators on Wednesday and it is likely that any future strategy will then be spelt out. For now there is an ominous silence in the Yadav clan and in the SP, which, many feel, could be the proverbial calm before the storm.

By : Mohit Dubey

(Mohit Dubey can be contacted at [email protected])

Analysis

Modi’s momentum under attack as opposition gears up for offensive

Congress President Rahul Gandhi is also now a more formidable opponent of Modi than he was in 2014 and his attacks are sharper and unrelenting.

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Vishwashghaat

New Delhi, May 26 (IANS) With his party ‘stopped’ in Karnataka and bracing to face crucial Assembly elections in three major states in the north this year end, Prime Minister Narendra Modi takes his government into the last year in office with the political momentum slightly shaken against the mounting burden of fulfilling expectations on numerous election promises.

Political analysts say that many of the promises of the Modi government have been rhetoric and it needs course correction by being more accommodative over the next year if BJP’s prospects are to improve.

They said the outcome of 2019 elections will largely depend on opposition parties coming together to pose a common challenge to the BJP.

Kumaraswamy's swearing-in ceremony

The BJP’s inability to form the government in Karnataka, despite being the single largest party, has come as a damper to the party. It had suffered jolts earlier this year in defeats in prestigious parliamentary by-elections in Gorakhpur and Phulpur as also Ajmer and Alwar.

“Intolerance has been a major drawback in the last four years,” says political analyst and senior journalist H.K. Dua adding that the idea of India as a plural polity had suffered due to incidents like ‘love jihad’ and lynchings.

“Every incident fouls the atmosphere. India is a composite society and Prime Minister himself said ‘Sabka saath, sabka vikas’ which did not happen. That’s why Dalits have been very angry, tribals have been very angry, farmers have been very angry. Caste divisions are sharper than before. That does not speak well,” he said.

Dua said constitutional institutions “have not been shown the respect they deserve.” He said consensus between the ruling and opposition parties for running parliamentary democracy has been ignored. “The initiative had to come from Prime Minister but that has not come,” he said, adding there is doubt how deep is the faith of government in democratic practices.

“I don’t think in 2019 there will be Modi wave. Opposition will be able to present a formidable challenge if they unite. So the unity is very, very important.

Kumaraswamy swearing-in ceremony

But even as efforts to forge understanding among opposition parties continue at various levels, Modi continues to have a cross-country appeal as the prime vote-catcher of the BJP.

As Prime Minister, he has sought to bring speed to decision-making by cutting red tape, set ambitious targets, launched some imaginative schemes, focused on delivery, simplified norms and shaken off lethargy in the official machinery.

The BJP-led National Democratic Alliance government is seen to be more focused and target-oriented but there is little visible impact of some of its initiatives such as the Swachh Bharat Campaign.

Subrata Mukherjee, a political analyst who taught at Delhi University, said there have been more promises than delivery in the past four years and projects like Start Up India and Make in India have not progressed the way they were made out to.

“The economic record of the government is not very good and they are now postponing everything to 2022. That is beyond their mandate. So it is politics of postponement,” he said.

He said most of the schemes are a rehash of Congress schemes.

Mukherjee said Modi government needs to practice a more “accommodative politics.”

“They will have to work out accommodative politics, bring new segments. The scheduled castes, Muslims are angry. If they want to retain power, they will have to go for drastic course correction,” he said.

He said opposition unity was important for good politics and the proposed federal front cannot do without congress. “BJP will also have to understand that 2019 will be coalition government whether led by it or the Congress,” he said.

Unlike the 2014 elections, when he was the challenger, Modi will be the incumbent in 2019 and the opposition has a plethora of issues to queer the pitch including jobs, price rise, problems of farmers, multi-crore banking frauds, non-performing assets of banks, “write-offs” of corporate houses, and “atrocities” against weaker sections including Dalits.

Congress President Rahul Gandhi is also now a more formidable opponent of Modi than he was in 2014 and his attacks are sharper and unrelenting.

Congress General Secretary Ashok Gehlot said people had trusted Modi but he “betrayed” them. As a member of the opposition, he sees an all-round failure in the government.

“Farmers, youth, traders, women, everyone now feels betrayed. There is sense of fear and mistrust among people. Fuel prices are sky-rocketing. This is a loot. The situation in the country is such and all sections of society are so unhappy that the people will force every party in the country to come together to defeat Modi and the BJP,” he said.

BJP Spokesperson G.V.L. Narsimha Rao, however, as expected, termed the last four years as “epoch-making.”

“These will be best remembered for ushering in a New India Era with corruption-free governance, inclusive economic growth with special focus on farmers, women and marginalised sections,” Rao told IANS.

He said that Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s government has fulfilled long neglected basic needs of the common citizens with innovative schemes like Ujjwala.

The Ayushman Bharat scheme, announced in this year’s budget which aims to provide health insurance cover of Rs 5 lakh to around 10 crore families is an ambitious move to connect with the poor and, if successful, can help BJP earn goodwill in run up to 2019 Lok Sabha polls.

The elections in Madhya Pradesh, Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh later this year are expected to set the tempo for the Lok Sabha polls and the BJP is the incumbent in all three states facing tough contests.

(Prashant Sood can be contacted at [email protected])

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Analysis

Four years of Modi failed to deliver crore of jobs: Swaraj India

Prime Minister Modi had promised to deliver one crore jobs every year but the number of jobs have decreased in reality.

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Yogendra Yadav

New Delhi, May 26 (IANS) As the Narendra Modi-led NDA government completed four years on Saturday, Swaraj India alleged although it has provided some evocative slogans like ‘Make in India’, ‘Skill India’, ‘Beti Bachao, Beti Padhao’, but scored a near zero score in performance, especially in its promise to deliver one crore jobs every year.

“The Modi government only made an onslaught on the Constitution and democracy, and saw jobless growth, increasing communal tension, rural distress and overarching insecurity among Dalits, minorities and women in country. All the key promises of the BJP government have turned out to be hollow.

“Prime Minister Modi had promised to deliver one crore jobs every year but the number of jobs have decreased in reality,” said Swaraj India national spokesperson Anupam.

Swaraj India chief Yogendra Yadav said that the violence against religious minorities, especially Muslims, is spreading openly.

“The country is unsafe because despite the claims of surgical strike, incidents of encroachment and terror attack from Pakistan have increased. Relations with neighbouring countries and even old friends are seeing a challenging phase and China’s movements have become more aggressive,” he said.

Senior party leader Prashant Bhushan meanwhile decried the rise of corruption, eroding authority of anti-corruption bodies, shielding of corrupt officers are being shielded, the “disaster” of demonetization, no change in the black money situation and putting of the Lokpal issue in cold storage.

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Analysis

After 1,460 days of Modi rule, ‘achhe din’ yet to come

I do not blame this government for not being able to deliver ‘achhe din’. Which government since Independence has?

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Narendra-Modi

New Delhi: There’s only one year more to go for the BJP-led regime before another test at the hustings. But is the country any nearer to Prime Minister Narendra Modi’s promised ‘acche din‘ (good days)? Four years ago, the country had voted the present regime to power on hopes of better days in all socio-economic-political spheres. But despite some strong structural reforms like GST, and gut-wrenching changes like demonetisation, the jury may still be out on how good it has been, according to economists and others experts.

Despite India’s GDP growth of 7.2 per cent in the third quarter (October-December) of 2017-18, some economists feel that the demonetisation drive, avowedly taken to “cleanse the system” of black money, had ended up damaging the country’s economy instead.

“Demonetisation was a terrible mistake by the government, for which the common people paid the price. It has reduced people’s trust in the banking system, as they were denied their own money during the period of cash crunch. It takes so much time and work to build institutions and policies — it is so much easier and faster to break things,” Jayati Ghosh, Economics Professor at Jawaharlal Nehru University (JNU), told IANS.

The government decided to ban 1,000 rupee and 500-rupee notes on November 8, 2016, taking away 86 per cent of the total currency in circulation. “May be this move had served the government’s purpose politically, but economically it was a bad one,” Ghosh added.

Echoing similar views, Arun Kumar, former professor of economics at the JNU, told IANS that when the NDA government came in, the Indian economy was already on an upward trajectory. The quarter, in which the government took over, the growth climbed to eight per cent. In October 2016, India was the fastest growing economy in the world when China slowed down a bit.

“But then the government administered a shock to the system with demonetisation. It had a negative impact on the unorganised sector that comprise 45 per cent of production and 93 per cent of employment in the country. According to some estimation, 50-80 per cent of that got damaged,” he said.

Kumar, who is now Chair-Professor with the Institute of Social Sciences, added: “Government did no survey at that time and hence no data is available. Even data from International Monetary Fund and World Bank, which rely on government data, do not show any estimates (on impact).”

After demonetisation, credit off-take in the country declined sharply. “Between November-December 2016, it was at historic low of 60 years. Investment into the country also took a big hit,” he said. However, Ranen Banerjee, Partner & Leader, Public Finance and Economics, at PricewaterhouseCoopers (PwC) has a different take on some of the benefits flowing from the action.

“Demonetisation had positive impact as far as digital payments were concerned. It shot up sharply during that period but came down subsequently. The level is still higher earlier. But demonetisation as a measure did not deliver all the results that it was supposed to deliver,” Banerjee said.

The government’s other major thrust, though, on Goods and Services Tax (GST) — rolled out on July 1 last year, got better billing. Economists are hopeful that it will bring in beneficial changes once the hiccups are over. Banerjee says GST would change the entire landscape of tax compliance in the country by creating a multiplier effect. “GST was a bold move which is showing positive results,” he added.

Ghosh, though, thinks GST goes against the grain of federalism. “A unified system is not so necessary in a federal structure — for example, the US does not have it and still has a very modern economy. In a federal structure you have to allow states to have some money raising power. Further, GST implementation has been really bad.”

Kumar said: “Introduction of GST has hit the unorganised sector badly. Even in Malaysia where GST was introduced in 2015-16 at 26 per cent, government decided to scrap it. The organised sector is rising at the expense of unorganised sector. Disparity is rising.”

Industry chambers have by and large welcomed government initiatives, especially the decision on GST. “The overall economy is strong with GST having settled down and reforms firmly on the right path,” Chandrajit Banerjee, Director-General of Confederation of Indian Industries (CII), told IANS.

Over the last four years, according to him, the government had systematically addressed major “pain points” for the economy such as ease of doing business, non-performing assets of banks, foreign direct investment rules, infrastructure construction and exit of failing enterprises.

“The government’s mission-mode development campaigns have delivered notable results, adding to overall growth multipliers. The firm level and sectoral level numbers look promising for the next year in terms of orders booked and capacity utilisation,” said CII’s Banerjee.

Former economics professor at Indian Statistical Institute, Dipankar Dasgupta, who holds that the economy was yet to recover from the hit it took because of demonetisation, says that on GST he was hopeful that with time it will stabilise. “In the other countries where it was introduced there were teething problems too,” he said.

The government also took up the job to cleanse bad loans of banks. It is pumping in Rs 2.11 lakh crore as capitalisation, spread over two years. But a number of banking scandals and rising non-performing assets (NPA) may have reduced the faith of people in the bank system, after the shock of demonetisation. “We have declining deposits in the banking system due to people’s rising mistrust,” says Ghosh. Dasgupta says recapitalisation should be followed with caution so that it does not widen the fiscal deficit.

The government, though, has got support in its effort to tackle the issue of NPAs. The bankruptcy law has put everyone on notice. “People are taking the issue of NPAs seriously trying to resolve it. Companies are opting for out of court settlement. Propensity to comply has increased as borrowers know that there will be consequences on not servicing a loan,” Banerjee of PriceWaterhouseCoopers said.

Yet, overall the promise of the golden pot at the end of the five-year rainbow, as promised by Modi in his of speeches — where he had painted the BJP rule in attractive hues — has not materialised in four years. BJP’s best salesman may have oversold the hope. “I do not blame this government for not being able to deliver ‘achhe din’. Which government since Independence has?” asks Dasgupta rhetorically.

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